On June 4, President Park—from the war room in a bunker underneath Cheong Wa Dae—took direct command over an operation to move 18 North Korean defectors hiding in safe houses in Laos to the South Korean embassy in Vientiane.

In order to keep the op quiet, the 18 defectors were broken up into small groups which were moved to the embassy over the course of the entire day. Park reportedly stayed in the bunker for the entire operation.

Park is said to have ordered the defectors moved to the embassy after judging the situation in Laos unsafe for the defectors.

Korean diplomats have come under fire recently, accused of lackadaisical handling of North Korean defectors hiding in their host nations.

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On the WSJ’s blog, Steven Borowiec reports that Koreans may be substituting pets for children:

When Shin Ye-eun, 33, is not working at her job at an international clothing company, she spends much of her time with Betty, her three-year-old English bulldog. The unmarried, childless Ms. Shin feels a maternal sort of love for her dog.

“I love her like my child. She is my child, and I know she knows that,” she said.

The number of pet owners in South Korea recently passed 10 million, or about one in five people, for the first time. The increase in pet ownership is taking place while fewer South Koreans are getting married and having children, and some analysts suggest the two phenomena are related.

Carts for dogs that closely resemble baby strollers? Jesus!

Anyway, read the rest on your own.

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North Korea surprised everybody by proposing working-level talks with the South to discuss Kaesong and Kumgangsan yesterday, and the South—also surprisingly, IMHO, accepted right away, proposing ministerial-level talks in Seoul on June 12.

North Korea left it to the South to choose the time and place, which was also unusual.

Seems like most parties in the South are pretty happy about the proposed talks, although the conservatives are going into this with a (IMHO) healthy dose of skepticism. Frankly, I’m not really sure what there is to discuss—but then again, I didn’t think the closures of Kaesong and Kumgangsan were bad things. As long as there were no preconditions attached to the talks, though, I suppose it doesn’t hurt to hear what the North Koreans have to say.

UPDATE: North Korea is now calling for preliminary working-level talks in Kaesong on June 9. They also said they’ll open up the Panmunjeon communication channel. It should also be noted that judging from the what the Chosun quoted, the North was rather polite about it.

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Or so two of Korea’s two largest conservative papers, the Chosun Ilbo and Dong-A Ilbo, would like us to believe.

The online edition of the Chosun Ilbo’s top story reports that the suspect in a brutal killing of a university girl in Daegu was a sex pervert addicted to porn—he had over 100 porn films on his phone and laptop, organized into different folders according to type.

Not to be outdone, the Dong-A Ilbo points to the proliferation of “pick-up artist” sites online and one-night stands as a factor in rising sexual assaults. The Dong-A also complains that there are no legal mechanisms to stop these sites. It concludes by noting that experts tell women that they should keep in mind that this whole one-night-stand thing going on in clubs nowadays could become a breeding ground not of romantic nights of love like in foreign films, but of sex crimes.

The Hankyoreh, to their credit, actually posted something important about the case to its website, notably, that Daegu cops kept a taxi driver in hand cuffs for six hours without a scrap of evidence simply because he’d given the victim a ride in his cab.

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Park Geun-hye administration underwent its first 100 days. How did she fare compared to the previous presidents? Park’s approval rating was a solid 65%. Although lower than Kim Young-sam’s 82.4% and Kim Dae-jung’s 77.1%, Park’s numbers are better than Roh Moo-hyun (53.8%) and Lee Myeong-bak (17.2%!) in the same time period.

Park’s handling of the most recent North Korean row helped her numbers–74.6% said they either strongly agreed or agreed with the way Park’s administration handled the North Korean issue. It is interesting to see that, finally, there is a solid convergence within South Korea as to the proper way of dealing with North Korea.

Park’s appointments hurt her ratings. Considering the Yoon Chang-jung affair, this is hardly a surprise. More than 63% of those polled said Park’s appointees are not helping the administration. In addition, more than 60% of the polled said Park is doing a poor job in communication.

One more interesting bit: the elite officials in Park Geun-hye administration have a more diverse profile in terms of their college.  Lee Myeong-bak administration was derided for over-hiring the alumni of Korea University, which Lee attended. In Park administration, however, the number of Korea University graduates was halved among high-ranking officials. The overall proportion of the so-called SKY Universities (Seoul National, Korea, Yonsei) went from 64.7% to 50.2%, a positive development against the old boy’s club.

Disappointingly, women did not fare any better in the woman president’s administration. Only 2.3% of high-ranking officials (that is, five,) in the Park administration are women. This is essentially the same ratio as Park’s predecessors.

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In addition to being sentenced for life in prison for overthrowing the government, former president Chun Doo-hwan was also sentenced to cough up the bribes he collected during his rule. Chun famously claimed that his entire property amounted to KRW 290,000. Today, Chun still owes more than KRW 167 billion, approximately 75% of the original judgment. And the statute of limitation for enforcing that judgment will lapse in October of this year.

(Under Korean law, the statute of limitations for execution of judgment is three years. However, if more than KRW 1 million is collected in favor of the judgment, the statute of limitations is automatically extended by another three years.)

In a rare showing of bipartisanship, both the New Frontier Party and the Democratic Party are calling for fully enforcing the judgment against Chun Doo-hwan. The call is getting louder in response to the recent news that Chun Doo-hwan’s son, Chun Jae-guk, owned a shell company in the British Virgin Islands designed to avoid taxes. Chun Jae-guk, reportedly, holds at least KRW 60 billion in assets, although he never had a proper job in his life. The information from BVI could very well be the missing link between Chun Doo-hwan and Chun Jae-guk’s money, which would make Chun junior’s property subject to seizure as well.

Unsurprisingly, the Democratic Party is taking a more aggressive posture. Democratic Assembly member Yu Gi-hong proposed a legislation that would sentence hard labor to a public official who was convicted of a crime and does not fully satisfy the judgment. Another Democratic Assembly member Kim Dong-cheol proposed a legislation that requires the family of high officials to explain the source of their assets, and execute 80% of the assets for which the source is unaccounted for. Another legislation extends the statute of limitations from 3 years to 10 years.

New Frontier Party, in contrast, is more focused on the shell companies and tax evasion generally. NFP Assembly man Lee Jae-oh proposed a legislation that would repatriate all money taken outside of Korea for the purpose of tax evasion. NFP is also turning up the heat on Chun Doo-hwan, calling him to come forward and explain any connection with the shell company.

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The 500 pound-gorilla of Korean politics–otherwise known as Ahn Cheol-su–is beginning to move in earnest to build his own political party. Last week, Ahn announced the founding of his own policy think tank, whose board will be headed by Korea University professor Choi Jang-jip. Among progressive academics, Professor Choi is the heaviest-hitting heavy hitter. Already, Professor Choi made waves by saying that, with Ahn, he hopes to build a progressive party with labor interest at the center. (For his part, while Ahn agreed that the labor interest will be represented, the party will not be labeled as “progressive.”)

Ahn’s recruitment of Choi is helpful in more ways than one. Choi is also a supporter of Sohn Hak-gyu, the minority faction within the Democratic Party. If and when Ahn does establish his own party, Choi is expected to play a vital role in luring a portion of the Democratic Party’s Assembly members, so that Ahn’s party will have an immediate voice in the legislature.

Ahn may not be the force that he was during the presidential election, but his political influence is far from diminished. According to a recent poll, 38.8% of the Democratic Party supporters and 7.5% of the New Frontier Party supporters said they would change their party affiliation if Ahn establishes a new party. (Overall, 22.9% of the total surveyed said they would change their party affiliation.)

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Several years back, I was going out with a Swedish guy with rich parents. Once I said I wanted to go on a normal romantic date via the T-bana (Stockholm metro) instead of being picked up and driven in his fancy car, so we did. He tried to put the ticket in at the exit, and before I could tell him, a passing Swedish woman saw it and said to him in English “You know in Stockholm, you don’t need to put the ticket in at the exit” I teased him, how so-very-far-removed he was from a plebian life that being a near-30-odd-year-resident of Stockholm he had no idea about public transport. He swore something about how public transport is evil. And this was not even the US where most people think like him anyway but the socialist welfare state that is Sweden. So somebody like him may not be running to be a South Korean politician any time soon (or not).

안철수 Ahn Chulsu is in the headlines for not knowing how much a 라면 instant ramyun costs. In a policy-making talk, when the focus turned to the recently controversial 갑-을 vertical power structure of distribution market, a shopowner asked Ahn “Do you know how much a(n instant)ramyun costs?” “1000 won?” “You should have an idea, it’s what commoners eat everyday, it’s 750 won”, before giving Ahn a box of ramyun which the shopkeepers claim they have to sell it for 2만1000원, after the agent buys it for 2만 3000원 from the head company, meeting the difference 2000 원 out of their own pocket.

To be fair, Ahn wasn’t that far off. And neither was President Park who also came under fire from the opposition during the pre-election for not knowing the minimum wage (she answered just above 5000원 – it was 4580원).
The real winner came from Hyundai’s 정몽준 Jung Mongjoon, who answered “70원” when he was asked how much a bus fare cost in 2002. 70원..that’s 7 cents…LOL.

Of course, if we’d asked something similar to 전두환 Chun Duwhan we would get a different level answer like
“In my days, if you’d asked such questions, you’d get a taste of me…”

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This Financial Times piece is very good, both the idea itself, and for the entertainment value.

I could not agree with it more, especially the bit about how dropping Dokdo would give Japan a much stronger case against China and Russia.
However, the question is would Japan be willing to set a stronger case against China and Russia in the first place? I mean, what would Japan gain from stopping bullying the weakling and taking a stance against the real bullies – it’s like asking Japan to become the Robin Hood of Asia. It’s a tall order. Nonetheless a good one.

P.S. I have taken down the blockquoted sentence from the article itself as the FT seems to have developed a stricter policy about their article being re-distributed (probably due to the Korean Hagwon usage :) ). To read the article without signing up to FT, you can try googling the term “Abe Shinzo Nobel Prize”and then clicking on the FT link.

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Been mad busy as summer vacation draws near and have regretfully been neglecting my MH duties. Here’s a lazy blogger’s post.

-It would seem that not all Italians are big fans of the PSYster. The boos were so loud during his performance at the Italian Cup last week that event organizers had to crank up the volume so he could be heard. Once again, PSY showed poise in the face of criticism –announcing, in Italian, “I love Italy!”

-Nice little piece in the Japan Times about the life of a  Japanese-born Korean ballerina. She’s eyeing making Korea a center for ballet studies. (Added note: reminds me of a protest I saw at a local uni here in Busan several years ago. Ballet department was threatened with cuts and all the dancers took to the streets. Surreal and yet, so real.)

-Apparently, plastic surgery apps are doing very well in the Republic of Kosmetic surgery. Who knew? I think I should just give in and go under the knife. At this point, I could possibly look weeks younger.

-The South China Morning Post writes about the ongoing dispute over a Tsushima Buddhist statue and who took what from who when. At least the Korean star is rising in the eyes of Japanese fisherman:

We used to look down on Koreans, but without them, Tsushima would just wither.

In the same piece a retired Zen abbot sings a refrain from We are the World:

“It is amazing how some people can hold a grudge for so long, even centuries,” said Sekko Tanaka, the retired abbot of a Zen temple in the shadow of fortifications used by a Japanese warlord to invade the Korean peninsula in the 16th century. “Now that the geopolitical situation is shifting, the former victims think it’s time for payback.”

-Gwynn Guilford asks in Quartz magazine: “Why is South Korea bellyaching about the yen when it’s running a $6 billion trade surplus?”

In short:

…it’s easier to blame Japan than to face up to structural problems that suppress domestic demand. Until South Korea starts making some hard choices about shifting state support away from chaebol and toward services, expect more bellyaching about the yen.

You can read the rest of Guilfords take here.

As I was preparing to click “publish”, a squadron of what looks to be Korea’s F-16 (check that, those are T-50′s. Thanks Wedge) airshow corp just flew by in formation. Cool stuff. Guess they’re on for the Haeundae Sand Festival this weekend.

Korean F-16s in formation

See ya there.

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- This textbook dispute deserves more attention that I can give it right now.

- The head of the CJ Group has apologized to his employees… by email.

- Did South Korean diplomats in Laos drop the ball during the latest defector repatriation? Would anyone be surprised if they did?

- God, I really, really hope this is just BS coming from the Chosun:

Korea and the U.S. are edging closer to deciding what kind of joint command they will establish once full wartime control of Korean troops has been handed back to Seoul.

The handover is scheduled for 2015, and until then Korean troops are theoretically under U.S. control in wartime. The Combined Forces Command helmed by the commander of the U.S. Forces Korea will be automatically disbanded once the arrangement ends.

Now the two sides want to set up a “combined theater command” to be headed by a South Korean general while a U.S. officer serves as second in command.

This would mean that the U.S. military entrusts control over its troops to another country for the first time.

Emphasis mine.

The Hankyoreh, meanwhile, reports that the topic of the new command structure didn’t even come up during recent talks between South Korean Defense Minister Kim Kwan-jin and US Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel, partly because the US is uncomfortable with the idea of a foreign country commanding US troops.

- 12 army officers are facing punishment after a female cadet was sexually assaulted at the Korean Army Academy.

- The reader who sent this has no idea if the guy is Korean or not, but the commercial is pretty dope nevertheless:

- From same reader: it’s embarrassing when you celebrate early:

- Friends of a Korean singer in New Zealand have started a Facebook campaign to help him to stay in Kiwistan and avoid doing two years of compulsory military service (HT to reader).

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So, when you think about it, the wedding wasn’t completely horrible, was it?

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In my experience, nowhere else does the Korean currency’s lack of sub-division give rise to as much confusion as when discussing the amount pilfered and stashed away by the two still-alive, army-general-turned-presidents.

When I was very young, I remember vaguely reading the headline of a newspaper which contained some number followed by 조 or some amount like that (I could deal with 억(億,1×10^8) but not 조(兆,1X10^12), attributed to the amount in won which 노태우 Roh Taewoo was meant to have stashed in a Swiss bank, and not being able to get my head around the number (it was not astronomical, but approaching cosmological). I think I was trying to think what one could do with such money, but obviously from a child’s perspective.

Following the drumroll we had earlier that the list of people who had accounts in the British Virgin Islands obtained by journalists contained some Koreans,
well,
it looks like we have a 월척(wolchuk – “caught a big one”).
Ex-president 전두환 Chun Duwhan’s son 전재국 Chun Chaekook is one of the names found on the list of Koreans with a paper company in the British Virgin Islands – he founded it in 2004, right after his father’s fabulous 2003 statement at court when pressed to pay up,

“29만 1000원 (291 US dollars) is all I have”.

It was to be expected that in South Korea, the level of people who would be on the list are not just your neighbourhood-level-millionaires, but would include people connected to the fantastic comedians such as Mr.Ishipku manwon (Mr.290 dollars) who is nearing the end of the period in which he has to pay the penalty imposed on him (since being sentenced in 1997 to pay 2205억 원 (~220.5 million USD) of which he has only paid around one quarter of it in the last 16 years so the remaining 1672억원 (~167.2 million USD is still withstanding). Apparently 11th October 2013 is the time limit on collecting this money so after that he and his family are scott-free and owes nothing. What an impeccable timing, if the prosecutors manage to track it down. They should work at full-throttle, and so should the press.

Also interesting timing is how the Swiss banks are now under pressure from the US to do away with their client secrecy policies. Our lady president herself has been under rumours to have withdrawn from the slush fund she inherited from her father in a Swiss Bank account.

Incidentally, I also remember meeting a Eurotrash-type Swedish student/model in a club in Stockholm, and when she told me how she once met a son(or grandson?) of a Korean ex-president who gave her a very expensive watch as a present, being embarrassed and asking her “Are you sure it wasn’t a North Korean guy?”

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Sushi chef Kenji Fujimoto’s story reads like that of a character from an Ian Fleming book, or maybe an Adam Johnson story.  So who better to send to speak with the aging chef than Johnson, whose 2012 novel about North Korea, “The Orphan Master’s Son” won the Pulitzer Prize?  That’s what GQ did and the resulting article, just published, offers a look at not only the familiar aspects of his life in North Korea–the booze, women, Kim Jong-il’s fearful fastidiousness, international jaunts for cooking supplies, et al–but also new anecdotes and the revelation that Fujimoto longs for the life he left behind in Pyongyang (and is planning a return).

On his first trip to meet with Fujimoto, Johnson finds the chef in a rather bleak locale:

This winter, I flew to Saku for a series of interviews with Fujimoto. I had spent six years researching North Korea for a novel, and in that time I had spoken with experts, aid workers, defectors—everyone with a story to tell about life there. Yet I hadn’t spoken to Fujimoto. It was December when I arrived, and a dusting of snow blew through the town’s car lots and bare-limbed apple orchards. Here, Fujimoto’s friend owns a battered five-stool karaoke bar, and this is where we met. Inside, it was cold enough to see your breath. The toilet was a hole in the floor where urine, billowing steam, disappeared into darkness before freezing.

Fujimoto’s troubled childhood seems to have prepared him for his years as Kim Jong-il’s chef, to be ever-ready for the dictator’s fiery temper like that of his own father.

Fujimoto was born the son of the most dangerous man in town. His father had just returned from being stationed on the island of Rabaul, site of a bloody confrontation with the Allied forces. The father who went to war had been devoted enough to carry the umbilical cords of his first three children into combat. He’d fashioned a container from a coconut shell, which he kept in his rucksack so that his children never left his side.

By the time he returned, his father had become an aggressive and combative man whose signature move was punching out people’s front teeth, including Fujimoto’s mother’s. Mentions of the war caused him to attack people. Criticisms could set him off. When his father was drinking, Fujimoto could be beaten for anything, like eating candy or misreading the clock. Questions, also, could lead to physical violence. Fujimoto hewed to these unspoken guidelines: He cannot remember ever asking his father a single question. His father’s favorite pastime was taking his son on long drunken bike tours of surrounding villages—with young Fujimoto bracing himself as the bicycle veered one direction, then another, every moment seeming like the moment they would crash. “These were the scariest times of my life,” he recalled.

Turns out that Kim Jong-il could be both abusive and generous, generous enough to reward Fujimoto with a young, beautiful, talented Korean wife. Kim also seems to have had a frat boy’s sense of humor:

Her name was Om Jong-yo. In the bunker beneath his main Pyongyang residence, Kim Jong-il had a 10,000-bottle wine cellar with a built-in karaoke bar. Here, Jong-yo sang “The Bride of Seto.” Fujimoto had seen her perform many times on state-run KCNA television. He’d only had to mention her to Shogun-sama, and here she was, singing for his pleasure. Such were the perks of rolling with dictators.

“I couldn’t help watching her,” Fujimoto said. “Shogun-sama noticed my gaze and said, Oh, you do like her.”

When the two next met, at a guesthouse in Wonsan, Kim seated them together. Seeing their happiness, Kim declared they would be married on February 16, the Dear Leader’s birth date. Fujimoto claims he protested, saying that Jong-yo was far too young—twenty years his junior—and arguing that 2-16 was far too sacred a date for their marriage. Kim Jong-il compromised and set a date of February 26. Soon they were singing a duet of “The Bride of Seto” on their wedding day, an event at which Kim Jong-il enforced heavy drinking, causing Fujimoto to black out. As a wedding prank, Kim Jong-il had the unconscious Fujimoto’s pubic hair shaved off.

The marriage produced two kids though, after fixing a kite that a young Kim Jong-un couldn’t get to fly straight, Fujimoto found himself appointed Kim’s official playmate, a job more important than fathering his own kids:

Fujimoto would be the boys’ new playmate, a position he would hold until Kim Jong-un was 18. Fujimoto introduced them to video games, remote-control cars, and most important, basketball. Fujimoto’s sister in Japan sent him VHS tapes of Bulls playoff games, so Kim Jong-un’s first taste of Western hoops came from watching Jordan, Pippen, and Rodman—men who became his heroes.

Yet, eventually, after being detained in Japan for 18 months of questioning and then put under house arrest in North Korea for another 18 months, Fujimoto began to fear that one day he’d meet a nefarious end whether because of jealousy, an act of culinary negligence or an unforeseen faux pas. As a result, he plans his escape from the North:

He spent the next year re-ingratiating himself with Kim Jong-il before setting his plan in motion. In March 2001, Fujimoto casually mentioned to Kim Jong-il that he had a new Iron Chef video, an episode Kim had never seen. When they watched it together, Kim discovered the episode’s “mystery ingredient” was one he’d never tasted before: sea-urchin roe, or uni. When Kim asked about uni, Fujimoto described it as the most exquisite delicacy in the world, one whose creamy texture was both oceany and sweet. It could only come from Rishiri Island, off Hokkaido, and only an experienced sushi chef could discriminate good uni from bad.

Ten years after his successful escape, Kim Jong-un took power and Fujimoto was invited to Pyongyang (undoubtedly a dangerous proposition). His old playmate didn’t refrain from taking the piss and Fujimoto made sure to get a book (and a cover shot) out of the meeting:

Fujimoto greeted Kim Jong-un with “The betrayer has returned.” Sobbing, Fujimoto dropped to his knees. Kim beckoned him to rise, and the cover image of Fujimoto’s book about the trip shows him weeping, locked in a bear hug with North Korea’s new leader.

In the end, Johnson finds that Fujimoto’s life and North Korea are forever intertwined–Fujimoto is either writing and talking about his years there or thinking about how he can regain the trust of his old playmate, return to his wife and recapture the glory of his days cooking for Kim Jong-il:

Fujimoto began speaking about how beautiful Pyongyang was, how much it had improved over the past ten years, to the point that he sounded a bit like a propaganda reel. It was here that he revealed a grand and baffling new plan: to leave his aging Japanese girlfriend for his young Korean wife, to live out his days in Pyongyang in luxury, to become Kim Jong-un’s confidant, to get his Mercedes back, and to finally open a restaurant in the Koryo Hotel, this one serving noodles instead of sushi.

Whether Kim Jong-un is ready for a ramen revolution remains to be seen. Sending a kite with a Kabuki image might be a good idea.

See here for an interview about the article with Johnson.

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For the first time, the names, ages and faces of the teenagers who attempted to escape North Korea via Laos but were caught by the Laotian police who then handed them over to China for repatriation back to North Korea, were released by their helpers.
The video footage shows them in a nervous state after being apprehended by the Laotians, in contrast to a photo that was taken 2 hours earlier where they seem excited and happy. The people who released the information said they did it in order to help the children who are probably in dire straits back in North Korea, and to ensure whatever happens to them can be traced by the international community.

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