
Chunpo Station (1914) in Chunpo-ri, Iksan, Korea’s oldest existent train station.
I think I may have said this earlier, but it’s worth repeating — if you want to learn about what the Japanese colonial era was all about, you have to come to Jeollabuk-do. It was on the fertile lands of the Honam Plain that the colonial presence was felt most acutely, with Japanese landlords establishing grand plantations where countless Korean tenant farmers toiling under the eye of Japanese farm managers produced the vital rice supplies exported to feed Japan’s hungry industrial cities. Meanwhile, Japanese settlers from the mainland flocked to the region’s cities and farms, creating settler societies not unlike those of other colonial settler states such as French Algeria or British Rhodesia. The Japanese went home — quite unhappily, in many cases — in 1945, but the social conflicts they helped create remained and would play a central role in the dramatic early history of the republic.
Today was spent in Iksan, formerly Iri, a major transportation junction on the Honam railway line and the site of a number of former Japanese plantations, remains of which can still be found. I was originally hoping to include in today’s trip the city of Gimje — which actually promotes tourism of this sortthanks to its starring role in Jo Jung-rae’s novel “Arirang” — but I got a bit of a late start so I had to confine myself to Iksan.
Former Igok Irrigation Association Office
Registered Cultural Property No. 181.
The Igok Irrigation Association was formed in 1920 with the merging of two smaller irrigation associations. The body was tasked with irrigation projects in the region, and as such played an important role in colonial agricultural development.
The office, located in Pyeonghwa-dong, was built in 1930, and was quite well regarded at the time for its architectural excellence — it was even featured in the Jan 1930 issue of the colonial magazine “Joseon and Architecture.” You’ll notice the fine masonry work and the Mansard roof, which sits on wood trusses. Next to the main office is a warehouse that dates from the same era.
Old Japanese Homes of Iksan
The downtown area is full of old Japanese homes, an indication of the city’s importance during the colonial era. I should point out, BTW, that in Juhyeon-dong, the former office of the Ohashi Plantation— currently a school for ethnic Chinese — is now a registered cultural propety, but when I visited, it was quite overgrown with not much to photograph.
Chunpo Station
Registered Cultural Property No. 210.
About 15 minutes into the countryside is a small village called Chunpo-ri. Many locals, however, still call it Daejangchon, “Daejang” being the name of the Japanese plantation of which the village was a part.
Chunpo Station, likewise, was originally called Daejang Station, and is still often referred to as such. The station is no longer in use, and in fact, the line on which its on will soon go out of use, too — or so I was told. Nevertheless, it’s Korea’s oldest existent train station, having been built in 1914. Ah, an old country train station — for me, anyway, few pieces of modern architecture are so beautiful. Simple, functional, yet elegant. Note the woodwork on the veranda and above the doors.
Old Hosokawa Plantation House
Registered Cultural Property No. 211.
This is why the train station exists.
Much of the Chunpo-ri area was once part of a large plantation set up by Hosokawa Muridachi, a Japanese nobleman of the famed Hosokawa clan who came to Korea in 1904 and by 1909 had aquired large land holdings in the soon-to-be colony. Incidentally, he was also the grandfather of former Japanese prime minister Hosokawa Morihiro. In Chunpo-ri, he set up a rice mill, where he processed his lands’ bounty before packing it on a train at Chunpo Station to send to Gunsan, where it was packed on ships for Japan.
The main farmhouse is in the latter stages of restoration. A fine example of Japanese residential architecture that resembles somewhat a Japanese castle, it was the residence of the land manager of the Hosokawa Plantation. Hosokawa’s rice mill is still there, too, as is the former plantation manager’s home (now owned by 90-year-old Kim Seong-cheol, a two time lawmaker who in his youth was an employee of the plantation). Unfortunately, I was on a bit of a schedule, so I didn’t get a chance to photograph them, alas. Might go again tomorrow, though.
Kim, coincidentally, apparently has pretty fond memories of Hosokawa. Talking to one newspaper, he recounted that many of the big Japanese landowners in the area didn’t really care about making money, but Hosokawa was all business. He was in it to produce high-quality grains through efficient management. To do this, he said, Hosokawa managed the land well and divied up jobs fairly to keep the farmers content. And he paid well — Kim got 60 won a month, a hefty sum at a time when local civil servants were making 25—28 won a month.
In June, the Chosun Ilbo ran a short piece on the Japanese— many of whom were born in Korea — who in 1945 got on the slow boat to Hakata, never to return. One of the stories introduced is a Japanese from Chunpo-ri who apparently spoke Korean with a Jeollado accent, which shouldn’t be too much of a surprise since prior to 1945, Korea was the only home he’d ever known.
While one can certainly feel sad for those that left in 1945, it’s important to remember the other side to it, too. I talked some with the architect handling the restoration work on the plantation house. He wanted the project, he said, because the house is an important reminder of the painful past. These were plantations, after all, run on an exploitive system of tenant farming in which much of the population was essentially landless at a time when land meant everything. Development projects often worsened the situation. The architect I talked to pointed out a nearby river embankment. The Japanese, he said, diverted the river to reclaim farmland. But very few people benefited from that project, and after Liberation, the land passed to those who collaborated with the Japanese. If you’ve read “The Taebaeksan Mountains,” you know the story. A lot of blood would be spilt over the land issue after Liberation, and meaningful land reform wouldn’t come to the region until the 1950s.
Nabawi Catholic Church
My final destination of the day was Nabawi Catholic Church (also known as Hwasan Catholic Church), a true treasure of early modern ecclesiastic architecture.
Designed by French missionary Father Joseph Vermorel, the church was built in 1906 with laborers brought in from China. Additions were added in 1916 and 1922. Like Gupodong Cathedral in Anseong, the church features a Gothic steeple with a Korean hanok roof. This mixture of East and West makes it one of the most beautiful churches in Korea. Particularly nice is the wood interior and the cloisters lining the body of the church.
Father Kim Dae-geon, Korea’s first Catholic priest, gave his first sermon on the spot of the church in 1845. In back of the church is a walking path lined by the Stations of the Cross. At the top of the hill is a memorial pagoda for Father Kim.

































{ 3 trackbacks }
{ 12 comments… read them below or add one }
These historical picture/research posts are great. It makes me walk around my neighborhood with a new outlook, wondering about the history of an old brick building or other things that went down there. I like to know that it is possible to make an adventure out of going to an old train station or church. Cool pix!
The last two picture narratives are really awesome Robert. How do you decide which places to visit?
Beautiful write up. Looking forward to more.
I really look forward to your book on this subject.
About land ownership during the Imperial era and postwar land reform in Japan (initiated by the Americans), you might want to check this out:
http://www.worldbank.org/html/.....tract.html
It may be possible that plantations in Japan and Korea operated under the same principles of concentrated land ownership and general peasant exploitation. Of course, this doesn’t make the situation of then Korean peasant farmers any better.
What I find interesting is that while the U.S. implemented numerous democratizing reforms in Occupied Japan, which worked out quite well and remarkably without little resistance, the U.S. apparently did not do so in Korea. I guess the U.S. wasn’t much in a position to impose anything, since Korea was a liberated country while Japan was a defeated country which surrendered its sovereignty to the Allies (= the U.S.).
BTW, democratization reforms included disassembling the military machine where ultra-nationalism acted as the ideological core.
Correction. Should be “remarkably with little resistance” or “remarkably without much resistance”.
Agree with Western Confucian, you’ve really got to get this all down in one place for people to buy one of these days… nothing remotely of this depth / quality is around in English on these subjects as you well know!
Guess again.
In fact, the US Military Government in Korea assumed responsibility for 686,965 acres owned by Japanese landlords during the colonial period. It sold that land beginning in the Spring of 1948. As a result, 587,974 former tenant families acquired land of their own. They represented 24.1% of the the agricultural population of southern. Korea.
Even earlier, USMGIK also set the maximum rent that landlords could charge tenants at one-third of the annual crop. This was a substantial improvement over past practice by both Japanese and Korean landlords who took rent that was 50% of the crop, on average.
In 1946, USMAGIK also prepared legislation mandating the transfer of ownership of the land to the tillers in return for a payment of 25% of the crop for 15 years. USMAGIK never implemented the law, though, because of Korean opposition, which was based on the principle of leaving it to Koreans themselves to resolve the matter of Korean landlords’ holding.
To make a long story short, that resulted in a lot of delay because of the political power of the landlord class. And the logjam was only broken when Rhee Syngman determined that it was in his best interest to break the political power of the landlords who were coalescing as his most effective political opposition. He also got some big shoves from Arthur Bunce, chief US economic adviser in South Korea, who was less interested in Rhee’s own political fortunes and more in the social stability that was projected to result from land reform – a result that the US Ambassador, John Muccio, was happy to be able to report was being realized by April 1950.
Land reform got underway in 1949, made significant strides in 1950 and then proceeded fitfully during the Korean War, given circumstances, with support from both the Rhee government and the US. The results were pretty impressive. In 1944, the wealthiest 3% of households owned 64% of the land. In 1955, the wealthiest 6% owned only 18%, and tenancy had dropped from 49% to 7% of farm households.
Sperwer, thanks for that. Very interesting. Do you have a source or link?
Sperwer:
Thanks for the info. Land reform in Japan was conducted quite forcefully, and I don’t think the Americans tolerated any dissent. Same with other reforms. So still, I see difference between the two countries, as you note:
“USMAGIK never implemented the law, though, because of Korean opposition, which was based on the principle of leaving it to Koreans themselves to resolve the matter of Korean landlords’ holding.”
To say it short, matters were not left in the hands of the Japanese.
BTW, in Japan, land reform had the effect of curbing the spread of communism.
those photographs are really beautiful… i’d been to iksan twice and i thought that place is really rural
81:
I think one of the most authoritative, because best documented, accounts is that of Pak Myongnim in his book on the Korean War: Hanguk chonjaeng ui palbal kwa kihon, pp. 456, 486-487, 492-94,503-509. NB that Pak controverts the conventional view among most US scholars, e.g., McCune, Cumings and John Lie, that land reform was carried out by the Rhee govt only after the war had begun and as a reaction to NORK land reform and a means of rallying support in the midst of war. Pak persuasively demonstrates that to the extent it was reactive, Rhee’s land reform was responsive to his need to build a base of support against the politically dominant landlord class in the South and that the effect of his govt’s implementation of the reform prior to the outbreak of the war was to create a huge reservoir of support among the agricultural population that predated and stood ROKGOV in good stead suring the war.
Some of the statistics, if I recall correctly, are in McCune, Korea Today (1950).
They also are in the excellent brief summary of the relevant developments contained in Greg Brazinsky’s “Nation Building in South Korea: Koreans, Americans and the making of a Democracy (2007). Given the way that my brain works, and the fact that I recently read Brazinsky’s book, my account in my previous comment is probably a potted version of Brazinsky’s summary.
Squatch: Sorry, I didn’t mean to dismiss your observation re the difference between developments in Korea and Japan. I don’t really know anything about the situation in Japan, but am prepared tentatively to accept your characterization as a reasonable hypothesis. I was more concerned to correct what I felt was the mischaracterization of the nature and extent of US involvement in Korea’s postwar land reform.
A final comment — given Robert’s interest in colonial architecture, the focus of that part of his post dealing with the Hosakawa interests is entirely understandable. However, it’s worth noting that the area about which he’s talking was also the stomping grounds of the Koch’ang Kims profiled by Carter Eckert in the eponymously titled book: Offspring of Empire: The Koch’ang Kims and the Origins of Korean Capitalism, 1876-1945. Kim Song-su was the most influential member of the family, particularly insofar as he straddled the the clan’s old agricultural base and its more modern industrializing and modernizing manifestations (he founded the Kyongbank Textile Company (which was managed by his brother Yon-su), the Donga Ilbo and Korea University. He also was one of the principal movers behind the Democratic Party, which provided the most effective opposition to both Rhee Syngman and Park Chung Hee (and was the earliest platform for Kim Dae Jung’s emergence on the political scene.Just as Hthe Hosakawa interests depended on Chunpo, Chul’po served the shipping port through which the Kims shipped the output of their vast plantations, which provided the basis for the accumulation of capital that enabled Song-su to modernize and branch out as he did. It would be very interesting to do a comparative study of the operations of the Kim and Hosokawa estates.
You must log in to post a comment.